The Huarochirí Manuscript

Chapter 1 — How the Idols of Old Were, and How They Warred among Themselves, and How the Natives Existed at That Time

1In very ancient times, there were huacas named Yana Namca and Tuta Namca. Later on another huaca named Huallallo Caruincho defeated them. After he defeated them, he ordered the people to bear two children and no more. He would eat one of them himself.

2The parents would raise the other, whichever one was loved best. 4 Although people did die in those times, they came back to life on the fifth day exactly. And as for their foodstuffs, they ripened exactly five days after being planted. These villages and all the others like them were full of Yunca. [full of Yunca] 5 When a great number of people had filled the land, they lived really miserably, scratching and 19. huctas mayquintapas cuyascanta 'whichever one was loved best' is ambiguous as to whether it means the one that the parents loved best or that Huallallo Caruincho loved best (because the -n third person possessive marker on cuyascan could refer either to the parents or to Huallallo).

3Chapter i, Sections 6-7

4digging the rock faces and ledges to make terraced fields. These fields, some small, others large, are still visible today on all the rocky heights. And all the birds of that age were perfectly beautiful, parrots and toucans 2 3 all yellow and red. 6 Later, at the time when another huaca named Paria Caca 24 appeared, these beings and all their works were cast out to the hot Anti lands 2 5 by Paria Caca's actions. 23. caquipas: 'toucan' is a guesswork translation. Although the color suggests 'macaw', other references (chap. 9, sec. 131; chap. 24, sees. 331, 333) show that different words refer to macaws. Chapter 16 (sec. 207) says caquiis a parrotlike bird. Taylor (1987b: 47) points out an Ayacucho usage of caqui meaning a large parrot and an Aymara reference saying that caqui has long red, blue, and yellow feathers. Mejia Xesspe (Szeminski 1989: 6) chose pehquito 'parakeet'.

5Further on we'll speak of Paria Caca's emergence and of his victories. 7 Also, as we know, 26 there was another huaca named Cuni Raya. 27 Regarding him, we're not sure whether he existed before Paria Caca or maybe after him. [Find out whether he 2 8 says that it isn't known if he was before or after Caruincho or Paria Caca.] However, Cuni Raya's essential nature 2 9 almost western fringes of Amazonia Anti Suyu. Andes in Spanish usage c. 1600 usually meant the same region. These lands stand in most Andean mythology for savagery and the precultural life, a setting in which Huallallo might have been thought to belong. But it may also be that the Huarochiri narrators used anti in a more general way to mean warm lowlands, including the seaward valleys of the west Andean slope. When Francisco de Avila paraphrased a source similar or perhaps identical to this one, he said that the natives call hot lands "yunca or andes" and wrote of evil aborigines in "these Andes" [estos andes) whom Paria Caca expelled to "other Andes" (otros andes; Tratado 1966: 200; see also 216). The two andes areas are perhaps the Pacific lowlands and Amazonia, respectively. Because the term may be generic (a type of land) and not toponymic, we have avoided glossing anti as 'Amazonia'.

6Chapter i, Section 8 matches Vira Cocha's. For when people worshiped this huaca, they would invoke him, saying, "Cuni Raya Vira Cocha, You who animate mankind, Who charge the world with being, 30. Because of his alleged importance as a supreme deity, comparable to the Christian God, Vira Cocha has become the subject of a large and frequently misleading literature. Many Andean sources about him are handily compiled in Wiracocha yAyar (Urbano 1981: 1-31). Here, however, this deity's role has little to do with the Christian concept of God and a lot in common with the pan-New World concept of a Trickster, whose buffoonery is at the same time a force making and remaking the world. In suggesting that Cuni Raya's nature "almost matches" Vira Cocha's, the teller seems to be taking note of a popular tendency, exemplified by the invocation that follows, to equate a Trickster-like deity associated with the hydraulic transformation of landforms (Cuni Raya) with a south highland, Inca-promoted deity (Vira Cocha). Chapter 14 emphasizes the latter component. Szemihski and Mejia Xesspe before him have suggested that cunirayap cascanracmi nahca viracochap cascanman tincon might mean the two deities' existences 'almost coincide' chronologically rather than qualitatively. This makes sense if one reads the statement as a reply to the chronological question just raised, rather than a comment on what follows. If one takes vhacocha in this passage to refer to the Spanish, still other readings result (Szeminski 1989: 8-9). 31. runa camac pacha comae 'who animate mankind, who charge the world with being': the two lofty epithets

7All things are yours! Yours the fields and yours the people." 8 And so, long ago, when beginning anything difficult, the ancients, even though they couldn't see Vira Cocha, used to throw coca leaves to the ground, talk to him, and worship him before all others, saying, "Help me remember how, Help me work it out, Cuni Raya Vira Cocha!" And the master weaver 33 would worship and call on him whenever it was hard for him 3 4 to weave. For that reason, we'll write first about this huaca and about his life, and later on 3 5 about Paria Caca. employ the key verb camay, discussed in the introduction under "Into the world of the huacas." Camay has no clear equivalent in Spanish or English and is translated in the present work as 'to charge' or 'charge with being', 'to make', 'to give form and force', or 'to animate'.

Chapter 2 — How Cuni Raya Vira Cocha Acted in His Own Age. The Life of Cuni Raya Vira Cocha. How Caui Llaca Gave Birth to His Child, and What Followed

8[Note that it isn't known whether this was before or after Caruincho.] A long, long time ago, Cuni Raya Vira Cocha used to go around posing as a miserably poor and friendless man, with his cloak arid tunic all ripped and tattered. Some people who didn't recognize him for who he was yelled, "You poor lousy wretch!" Yet it was this man who fashioned all the villages. Just by speaking he made the fields, and finished the terraces with walls of fine masonry. As for the irrigation canals, he channeled them out from their sources just by tossing down the flower of a reed called pupuna. After that, he went around performing all kinds of wonders, putting some of the local huacas to shame with his cleverness.

9Once there was a female huaca named Caui Llaca. Caui Llaca had always remained a virgin. Since she was very beautiful, every one of the huacas and villcas longed for her. "I've got to sleep with her!" they thought. But she never consented. 11 Once this woman, who had never allowed any male to fondle her, was weaving beneath a lucuma tree. a wandering nonlocal deity, with rooted local deities. Cults and toponyms with names reminiscent of Cuni's (Kon, Concon, etc.), appear to have been farflung over the coast (Rostworowski 1977). 43. allcuchaspa: literally, 'making dogs of them'. 'Dog' is consistently a term of abuse in the manuscript. '

10Chapter 2, Sections 12-18 Cuni Raya, in his cleverness, turned himself into a bird and climbed into the lucuma. He put his semen into a fruit that had ripened there and dropped it next to the woman. 12 The woman swallowed it down delightedly. Thus she got pregnant even though she remained untouched by man. In her ninth month, virgin though she was, she gave birth just as other women give birth. And so, too, for one year she nursed her child at her breast, wondering, "Whose child could this be?" 13 In the fullness of the year, when the youngster was crawling around on all fours, she summoned all the huacas and villcas to find out who was the child's father. When the huacas heard the message, they were overjoyed, and they all came dressed in their best clothes, each saying to himself, "It's me!" "It's me she'll love!" 14 This gathering took place at Anchi Cocha, where the woman lived. [The gathering was in Anchi Cocha.] When all the huacas and villcas had taken their seats there, that woman addressed them:

11"Behold, gentlemen and lords. Acknowledge this child. Which of you made me pregnant?"49 One by one she asked each of them: "Was it you?" "Was it you?" But nobody answered, "The child is mine." 15 The one called Cuni Raya Vira Cocha had taken his seat at the edge of the gathering. Since he looked like a friendless beggar sitting there, and since so many handsome men were present, she spurned him and didn't question him. She thought, "How could my baby possibly be the child of that beggar?" Since no one had said, "The child is mine," she first warned the huacas, "If the baby is yours, it'll crawl up to you," and then addressed the child: "Go, identify your father yourself!" 16 The child began at one end of the group and crawled along on all fours without climbing up on anyone, until reaching the other end, where its father sat. On reaching him the baby instantly brightened up and climbed onto its father's knee. When its mother saw this, she got all indignant: "Atatay, what a disgrace! How could I have given birth to the child of a beggar like that?" she said. And taking along only her child, she headed straight for the ocean.

12And then, while all the local huacas stood in awe, and is cultivated for its edible fruit Specimens of Cuni Raya Vira Cocha put on his golden garment. whole and halved fruits of this species... are among the He started to chase her at once, thinking to himmost common plant remains found in archaeological sites self, "She'll be overcome by sudden desire for me." on the Peruvian coast Lucumas were an important "Sister Caui Llaca!" he called after her. "Here, part of the diet of the ancient Peruvians, and halved fruits look at me! Now I'm really beautiful!" he said, and are frequently found in petacas [pouches, hampers] with he stood there making his garment glitter. remains of other food plants The fruit is also a familiar motif in pre-Columbian art" (Towle 1961: 76-77). 47. amauta cayninpi 'in his cleverness': amauta is 18 Caui Llaca didn't even turn her face back to him. the term Garcilaso Inca popularized as the Inca title of "Because I've given birth to the child of such a learned men or counselors, but in connection with Cuni ruffian, such a mangy beggar, I'll just disappear Raya it connotes an earthy or practical kind of cleverness. into the ocean," she said. She headed straight out 48. Avila characterized Anchi Cocha as "a terribly cold into the deep sea near Pacha Camac, out there and bad place halfway between Huarochiri and Chorillo" (Arguedas and Duviols 1966: 201). Today, Anchicocha is the name of a bleak settlement, plateau, and peak 17 km 49. yumahuarcanquichic 'made me pregnant': The root southwest of Huarochiri, 3, m above sea level (IGM is yumay 'sperm'. The literal sense is 'inseminated me'. 1954). But in chapter 5 Anchi Cocha is the luxurious tropi. If Cuni Raya is indeed a water deity, as Rostworowcal home of a Yunca lord. Anchini (Gonzalez Holguin ski (1977) persuasively argues, his glittering garment may 1952: 27) meant 'to live amid delights, to spend be a metaphor for water sparkling in sunlight. splendidly on food, drink, clothing and gifts'. Perhaps the 51. cachcagapap 'of... such a mangy beggar': Avila sense is that Anchi Cocha, a Lake of Earthly Delights in glosses cachca as soma (i.e., scabies or mange) in his Trathe pre-invasion age when all the land was warm and betado ( 1966: 202). longed to Yunca people, has (like other places mentioned 52. Pacha Camac, whose name means something like in chap. 8) been transfigured by the power of later huacas 'animator of space and time', was a coastal deity whose from the cold heights. colossal shrine complex south of Lima (still visible at the

13Chapter 2, Sections 19-23

14where even now two stones that clearly look like people stand. And when she arrived at what is today her dwelling, she turned to stone. 19 Yet Cuni Raya Vira Cocha thought, "She'll see me anyway, she'll come to look at me!" He followed her at a distance, shouting and calling out to her over and over. First, he met up with a condor. "Brother, where did you rim into that woman?" he asked him. "Right near here. Soon you'll find her," replied the condor. Cuni Raya Vira Cocha spoke to him and said, "You'll live a long life. You alone will eat any dead animal from the wild mountain slopes, both guanacos and vicunas, of any kind and in any number. And if anybody should kill you, he'll die himself, too."

15Farther on, he m e t u p with a skunk.

16mouth of the Lurin valley, next to the modern village of Pachacamac) attracted worship from remote prehistory and from regions far up the Pacific littoral. His cult is prominent in chapters 20, 22, and 23; see Patterson (i[?]|.

17"Sister, where did you meet that woman?" he asked. "You'll never find her now. She's gone way far away," replied the skunk. When she said this, he cursed her very hatefully, saying, "As for you, because of what you've just told me, you'll never go around in the daytime. You'll only walk at night, stinking disgustingly. People will be revolted by you." Next he met up with a puma. "She just passed this way. She's still nearby. You'll soon reach her," the puma told him. Cuni Raya Vira Cocha spoke to him, saying, "You'll be well beloved. You'll eat llamas, especially the llamas of people who bear guilt. Although people may kill you, they'll wear you on their heads during a great festival and set you to dancing. And then when they bring you out annually they'll sacrifice a llama first and then set you to dancing."

18Then he m e t u p with a fox. "She's already gone way far away. You'll never find her now," that fox told h i m . When the fox said this, h e replied, "As for you, even when you skulk around keeping your distance, people will thoroughly despise you and say, 'That fox is a sneak thief.' When they kill you, they'll just carelessly throw you away and your skin, too."

19Likewise he m e t up with a falcon.

2060. Puma concolor (Cabrera and Yepes 1940: 167-172).

21Chapter 2, Sections 24-28 "She's just passed this way. You'll soon find her," said the falcon. He replied, "You're greatly blessed. When you eat, you'll eat the hummingbird first, then all the other birds. When people kill you, the man who has slain you will have you mourned with the sacrifice of a llama. And when they dance, they'll put you on their heads so you can sit there shining with beauty." And then he met up with some parakeets. "She's already gone way far away. You'll never find her now," the parakeets told him. "As for you, you'll travel around shrieking raucously," replied Cuni Raya Vira Cocha. "Although you may say, Til spoil your crops!' when people hear your screaming they'll chase you away at once. You'll live in great misery amidst the hatred of humans."

22And so he traveled on. Whenever he met anyone who gave him good news, he conferred on him a good fortune. But he went along viciously cursing those who gave him bad news.

23When h e reached the seashore, [he went straight over it. Today people say, "He was headed for Castile," but in the old days people said, " H e went to another land."] 6 7 he turned back toward Pacha Camac. He arrived at the place where Pacha Camac's two daughters lived, guarded by a snake. Just before this, the two girls' mother had gone into the deep sea to visit Caui Llaca. Her name was Urpay Huachac. While Urpay Huachac was away, Cuni Raya Vira Cocha seduced 68 one girl, her older daughter. When h e sought to sleep with the other sister, she turned into a dove 69 and darted away. That's why her mother's name means 'Gives Birth to Doves'.

24gaero). Larger than the Kestrel, with a longer tail. Leadcolored above, superciliary line cinnamon; below buffy cinnamon, tail andflanksblackish with horizontal white stripes. Generally seen in our region above 2000 m., but occasionally it comes down to the coastal area. Feeds largely on birds to the size of a tinamou" (Koepcke 1970: 42). The hummingbird allotted to the falcon as food below might represent any or all of the six Lima Department hummingbird species (Koepcke 1970: 79-80). 65. hohtocunahuan 'with some parakeets': horito in chapter 16 (sec. 207) is equated to the poorly identified bird caqui (toucan?), but in chapter 1 (sec. 5) it is distinguished from it. Here it clearly refers to a crop pest. The likeliest identification is Mountain parakeet, Bolborhynchus a. aurifrons (Psilopsiagon a. aurifx'ons) (Perico cordillerano). The only native wild parakeet of our coastal region. Small, with a very long tail; F. and J. completely green; M. with the forehead, face, and underparts yellowish. Common on the steppes and shrubby places of the coast and Andean slopes; also gathers in cultivated fields, tree plantations, gardens, and parks of Lima. During the winter it is abundant on the coastal hills and in wooded and shrubby places with fog vegetation, especially at Lachay. It could also be Andean parakeet, Bolborhynchus andinicolus [B. orbygnesius) [Perico Andino), found only above 1500 m., or (less probably, because of its rarity) the Scarlet-fronted parakeet, Aratinga wagLeri frontata [Cotorra de Wagler-, Koepcke 1970: 74).

25At that time there wasn't a single fish in the ocean. Only Urpay Huachac used to breed them, at her home, in a small pond. 70 It was these fish, all of them, that Cuni Raya angrily scattered into t h e ocean, saying, "For what did she go off and visit Caui Llaca the woman of the ocean depths?" Ever since then, fish have filled the sea.

26Then Cuni Raya Vira Cocha fled along t h e seashore. When Urpay Huachac's daughters told her how he'd seduced them, she got furious and chased h i m . As she followed him, calling h i m again and again, he waited for her and said, "Yes?" "Cuni, I'm just going to remove your lice," she said, and she picked them off.

27While she picked his lice, she caused a huge abyss

2867. hue pachamansi could also be read 'another world'. The crossed-out version matches Vira Cocha myths circulated in the highlands and better known among Spaniards (Urbano 1981: 1-31).

29Chapter 2, Section

30to open up next to him, thinking to herself, "111 knock Cuni Raya down into it." But Cuni Raya in his cleverness realized this; just by saying, "Sister, I've got to go off for a moment to relieve myself,"71 he made his getaway to these villages.

31He traveled around this area for a long, long time, tricking lots of local huacas and people, too. [n.b. This huaca's end will be told below.]

32merely plainspoken. But the plain translation 'to shit' sounds jarringly obscene.

Chapter 3 — What Happened to the Indians in Ancient Times When the Ocean Overflowed

33Now we'll return to what is said of very early people. The story goes like this. 72 In ancient times, this world wanted to come to an end. A llama buck, aware that the ocean was about to overflow, was behaving like somebody who's deep in sadness. Even though its [father] owner let it rest in a patch of excellent pasture, it cried and said, "In, in," and wouldn't eat. 30 The llama's [father] owner got really angry, and he threw the cob from some maize he had just eaten at the llama. "Eat, dog! This is some fine grass I'm letting you rest in!" he said. Then that llama began speaking like a human being. "You simpleton, whatever could you be thinking about? Soon, in five days, the ocean will overflow. It's a certainty. And the whole world will come to an end," it said. 31 The man got good and scared. "What's going to happen to us? Where can we go to save ourselves?" he said. The llama replied, "Let's go to Villca Coto mountain. 75 72. Text shifts at this point from witness to reportive validation. 73. cay pachas puchocayta munarcan 'this world wanted to come to an end': puchocay means the ending of something that has an intrinsic conclusion (as, for example, the finishing of a task), not a truncation or accidental end (Gonzalez Holguin 1952: 293).

34[This is a mountain that is between Huanri 76 and Surco.] 77 There we'll be saved. Take along five days' food for yourself." So the man went out from there in a great hurry, and himself carried both the llama buck and its load. 32 When they arrived at Villca Coto mountain, all sorts of animals had already filled it up: pumas, foxes, guanacos, condors, all kinds of animals in great numbers. And as soon as that man had arrived there, the ocean overflowed. They stayed there huddling tightly together. 33 The waters covered all those mountains and it was only Villca Coto mountain, or rather its very peak, that was not covered by the water. Water soaked the fox's tail. That's how it turned black. Five days later, the waters descended and began to dry up. 34 The drying waters caused the ocean to retreat all the way down again and exterminate all the people. km northwest of San Damian, between modern Huanre and Surco (Treacy 1984: 18). Villca Coto may be the same huaca mentioned in chapter 23 (sec. 301), the most beautiful one at the Inca court in Cuzco.

35Chapter 3, Section

36Afterward, that man began to multiply once more. That's the reason there are people until today.

37Regarding this story we Christians believe it refers to the time of the Flood. But they believe it was Villca Coto mountain that saved them.

Chapter 4 — How the Sun Disappeared for Five Days. In What Follows We Shall Tell a Story about the Death of the Sun

38How the Sun Disappeared for Five Days. In What Follows We Shall Tell a Story about the Death of the Sun

39In ancient times the sun died. Because of his death it was night for five days. Rocks banged against each other.

40Mortars and grinding stones began to eat people. Buck llamas started to drive men. Here's what we Christians think about it: We think these stories tell of the darkness following the death of our Lord Jesus Christ. Maybe that's what it was. Mayan version that, like this one, follows on a flood incident (Tedlock 1985: 84-86). Hocquenghem (1987: 142-143) and Jeffrey Quilter (personal communication) point out analogues in Mochica ceramic imagery from the Peruvian north coast.

Chapter 5 — How in Ancient Times Paria Caca Appeared on a Mountain Named Condor Coto in the Form of Five Eggs, and What Followed

41ed. Here Will Begin the Account of Paria Caca's Emergence

42In the four preceding chapters we have already recounted the lives lived in ancient times. Nevertheless, we don't know the origins of the people of those days, nor where it was they emerged from. 37 These people, the ones who lived in that era, used to spend their lives warring on each other and conquering each other. For their leaders, they recognized only the strong and the rich. We speak of them as the Purum Runa, 'people of desolation'. 84. 'In the Form of supplied.

43It was at this time that the one called Paria Caca was born in the form of five eggs on Condor Coto mountain. A certain man, and a poor friendless one at that, was the first to see and know the fact of his birth; he was called Huatya Curi, but was also known as Paria Caca's son. Now we'll speak of this discovery of his, and of the many wonders he performed. tion') to the political ('unconquered people, enemies'). 'Desolation' is chosen to evoke the linkage between warfare and infertility. The "Indian chronicler" Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala also gave the name "Purun Runa" to an ancient age of warfare ( 1980::-50).

44Chapter 5, Sections 39-43 > They say that fellow called Huatya Q u i subsisted at the time just by baking potatoes in earth pits, eating the way a poor man does, and people named him the "Baked Potato Gleaner." At that time there was another man named Tamta Namca, a very rich and powerful lord. [n.b. Tamta Namca] Both his own house and all his other houses 96 looked like cassa and cancho feather-weavings, for they were thatched with wings of birds. His llamas were yellow llamas, red and blue llamas; he owned llamas of every hue. [Tamta Namca] > Seeing that this man lived so well, people who came from all the villages paid him homage and worshiped him. For his part, he pretended to be very wise and spent his life deceiving a whole lot of people with the little that he really knew. dation. The editor/redactor is not always explicitly skeptical of the content of traditional narration.

45Then this m a n called Tamta Namca, who pretended to be so wise, even to be a god, contracted a really horrible disease. 41 His illness went on for a great many years, and in time people talked. "How can a man who knows so much, who's so powerful, be so sick?" they said. Just like the Spaniards who, on such occasions, summon experts and doctors, Tamta Namca, hoping to recover, summoned all sorts of shamans and wise men. [The wise men gathered.] But no one at all could diagnose that disease of his. 42 Just then Huatya Curi was coming from the vicinity of Ura Cocha, 100 and he went to sleep on the mountain by which we descend to Sieneguella. 101 (Today this mountain is called Latab Zaco.) While h e was sleeping, a fox who'd come from down below and one who'd come from up above 102 met face to face 103 there. One fox asked the other, "Brother, how are things in Upper Villca?"

46"What's good is good. But a lord in Anchi Cocha,

4798. dios: the Spanish word 'god', perhaps used in a Greco-Roman rather than Christian sense. 99. amautacunacta doctorcunacta... yachaccunacta sauiocunacta 'experts and doctors . . . shamans and wise men': the teller draws an implicit contrast between two pairs of terms, each consisting of a Quechua and a Spanish word: amauta : doctor:: yachac : sauio. The suggestion seems to be that a doctor, a bureaucratically licensed expert, can be compared with an amauta, and a sauio or wise man with a yachac. Yachac (literally, 'knower') today means a shaman. 100. ura cochanicmanta 'from the vicinity of Ura Cocha' is more literally 'from someplace around [the?] lower lake'. The 'lower lake' is probably the Pacific Ocean (called mama cocha 'Mother Lake' today). This term recurs in chapter 8 (sec. 103) and chapter 22 (sec. 278).

48Chapter 5, Sections 44-49

49a villca as a matter of fact, one who claims to know a whole lot, to be a god himself, is terribly ill. All the wise men who found their way to him are wondering, 'Why's he so ill?' N o one can identify his sickness. But his disease is this: while his wife was toasting maize, a grain of mwo maize popped from the griddle and got into her private part. 44 "She picked it out and served it to a man to eat. Because of having served it, she became a sinner in relation to the man who ate it." (Nowadays they reckon that act tantamount to being an adulteress.) "As a result of this fault," he told the fox who'd come from down below, "a snake 107 has made its dwelling on top of that magnificent house and is eating them up. What's more, a toad, a two-headed one, lives under their grinding stone. And nobody is aware of these devouring animals." 45 Then he asked, "And how are people doing in Lower Villca, brother?" The other fox answered similarly, saying, "There's a woman, the offspring of a great lord and a villca, who almost died because of a penis." 108 (But the story leading up to the woman's recovery is very long. Later on we'll write about it. For now, we'll return to the first story.) 104. muio: could mean 'particolored, spotted' (the generic meaning of mmo) but may also be a local form of the term muiuchu 'maize of the coastal flatlands, very hard' (Gonzalez Holgutn 1952: 252). 105. pincayninmanmi: literally, 'into her shame'. Shame-ohented terms from Quechua lexicon but reflecting Christian mentality are common in most but not all the sexually colored passages and are sometimes written in over scratched-out plainspoken Quechua terms.

50As the foxes were telling each other these tidings, the man called Huatya Curi heard that the great lord who pretended to be a god was ill. This great man had two daughters. He had joined the elder daughter to a fellow ayllu member 110 who was very rich. [He married her.] 111 The poor man called Huatya Curi came to that lord while he was still ill. 47 When he arrived, he went aroimd asking surreptitiously, "Isn't someone sick in this town?" "It's my father who's sick," replied the younger daughter. Huatya Curi answered, "Let's get together. For your sake I'll cure your father." (We don't know this young woman's name.) 112 [But later on they called her Chaupi Namca.] 113 The young woman didn't agree right away. 48 She told her father, "Father, there's a poor man here. He came and said to me, 'I'll cure your father.'" All the wise men who were sitting there burst into laughter when they heard these words, and said, "If we ourselves can't cure him, how can this nobody make him well?" But that lord wanted a cure so badly that he called for Huatya Curi. "Let him come, never mind what sort of man he is," he said. 49 When the great lord summoned him, Huatya Curi entered and said, "Father, if you want to get well, I'll make you well. But you have to give me your daughter." Overjoyed, Tamta Namca replied, "Very well then!" But when his older daughter's husband heard this proposition he flew into a rage. "How dare he join her, the sister-in-law of such a powerful 114 man as me, to a nobody like that?" of this myth. This aside has the witness validation typical of the editor or redactor's comments. n o . ayllonhuantac 'to a fellow ayllu member': ayllu endogamy is common in Andean societies. i n . casarachircan 'he married her': the verb root is a Spanish one, clarifying the perhaps unfamiliar sense of tinquichircan 'he joined [her]' in body of text.

51Chapter $, Sections 50-58 50 Later on we'll tell about this angry man's struggle w i t h Huatya Curi. But for now we'll return t o t h e cure the poor man called Huatya Curi effected. Huatya Curi began his cure by saying, "Father, your wife is an adulteress. Because she's an adulteress, a sinner, she's made you ill. As for what's eating you, 115 it's t h e two snakes that dwell on top of this magnificent house of yours. And there's a toad, too, a two-headed one, that lives under your grinding stone. 51 "Now we'll kill them all. Then you'll get well. After you recover, you must worship my father above all things. He'll be born tomorrow or the day after. And as for you, you're not such a powerful man. If you were really powerful, you wouldn't be sick." The rich man was astonished when Huatya Curi said this. 52 And when Huatya Curi said, " N o w I'll take apart this gorgeous house of his," h e became distraught. And his wife started yelling, "This nobody, this crook, is slandering me! I'm n o adulteress!" 53 Nonetheless the sick man wanted his health back very badly, and he let his house be dismantled. Then Huatya Curi removed the two snakes and killed them. Next he clearly explained the facts to the rich man's wife: just how a grain of muio maize had popped out and gotten in her private part, and how she, after picking it out, had served it to a man. After that, the woman confessed everything. "It's all true," she said.

52Next he had the grinding stone lifted. A toad, a two-headed one, came out from under it and fled to Anchi Cocha ravine. It exists in a spring there to this day. [Ask the name of this spring and where it is.] form of the key verb camay discussed in the introduction and note 31 in chapter 1 (sec. 7). A comae man would be one who can impart his own power to others and impose his will. 115. camta micucri 'as for what's eating you': the illness may be leishmaniasis, an infectious disease often pictured in Mochica ceramics, which eats away at the soft tissues of the nose and lip.

53When people come to that spring, it either makes them disappear or else drives them crazy.

54Once Huatya Curi finished all these deeds [her 116 father] t h e ailing m a n got well. After Tamta Namca's recovery, on t h e day that had been foretold, Huatya Curi went for t h e first time t o Condor Coto mountain. It was there that t h e one called Paha Caca dwelled i n the form of five eggs. 117 All around h i m a wind rose u p and began to blow. In earlier times n o wind had been observed.

55Just before h e went there on t h e appointed day, the m a n who'd recovered his health gave h i m his unmarried daughter. While t h e two of t h e m were traveling in t h e vicinity of that m o u n t a i n they sinned together. 118 57 As soon as that elder brother-in-law heard they'd sinned together h e set out to compete against Huatya Curi. "I'll bring deep shame on that beggarman," h e muttered. And so one day that m a n challenged him, saying, "Brother, let's have it out in a contest, whatever kind. How dare a nobody like you marry t h e sisterin-law of a powerful m a n like m e ? " That poor m a n agreed, and went to inform his father Paria Caca, [That is, t o one of the above-mentioned eggs that this m a n had for a father.] and said, "This is h o w h e spoke to m e . " "Very well then. Whatever h e tells you, come t o m e right away," his father replied.

56T h e contest between t h e m was like this.

57116. yayanca 'her [or his] father' is the crossed-out word; it might refer to the father of Huatya Curi's young woman or of her sister (i.e., to Tamta Namcaj. 117. tunto 'egg': can also mean 'hailstone' (Gonzalez Holguin 1952: 321), a relevant association because Paria Caca regularly acts in the form of a storm. 118. hochallicorcan 'they sinned together': hochalliy, like pincay 'private part' (literally, 'shame'), is a shameoriented term of Quechua lexicon and Christian mentality. The verb root employed seems to have meant a ceremonial debt or obligation (it is still used in this sense), but Christian missionaries chose it as the translation for 'sin'.

58Chapter 5, Sections 59-65

59One day the challenger said, "Let's have a drinking and dancing contest." So that poor man Huatya Curi went to inform his father. His father Paria Caca advised him, "Go to that mountain over there. There you'll pretend to be a guanaco and lie down as if dead. Early in the morning a fox with his skunk wife will come there to see me. 59 "They'll bring their maize beer in a small longnecked jar and they'll also bring along their drum. When they spot you, a dead guanaco, they'll set their things on the ground, and as soon as the fox puts down his panpipes, they'll start to eat you. Then turn back into a man, scream so loud it hurts their ears, and run away. When they scamper off forgetting their possessions, you'll take them and go to the contest."

60The poor man did as he was told. The rich man was the first to dance in the contest. His wives, who numbered almost two hundred, danced along with him, and after they were done the poor man entered by himself, with only his wife, just the two of them. As they entered through the doorway, as they danced to the skunk's drum he'd brought along, the earth of that whole region quaked. With this, he beat them all.

61Next, they began drinking. Huatya Curi went with just his wife to sit at the head of the group, exactly as guests do until today. And all of those people who were sitting there served him drink after drink without giving him a break. Even though he drank every bit of it he sat there with no problem.

62119. huchoylla porongo 'small long-necked jar' sounds like the aryballoid form jars made in various sizes for carrying maize beer. They have been found in virtually all Inca-influenced archaeological sites.

63Then it was his turn. He began to serve the maize beer he'd brought in that little long-necked jar, and everybody ridiculed him. "How could he possibly fill so many people from such a tiny jar?" they said. But when he began to serve, starting from the head of the gathering, they dropped down drunk in no time, one after another. 63 The next day, since Huatya Curi had won, the other man wanted a different contest. This contest was all about outdoing each other in splendid costumes decorated with the exquisite feather-weavings called cassa and cancho. So Huatya Curi again went to his father. His father gave him a snow garment. [or riti]123 In that garment he dazzled 124 all the people's eyes and won the contest. 64 Then the challenger said, "Let's compete in putting on puma skins." That man wanted to win by wearing the puma skins he had. The poor man, following his father's advice, went to a spring early in the morning and brought back a red puma skin. He danced. And while he was dancing in that red puma, a rainbow appeared in the sky, like the rainbow that appears in the sky today. 65 Next the rich man wanted to compete at housebuilding. Since that man had access to many people, he almost finished a large house in a single day. The poor man just laid down the foundations and then strolled around all day long with his wife. That night all kinds of birds, snakes, and other animals of the land walled the house.

64Chapter 5, Sections 66-72

65The next day, seeing it already finished, the challenger was awestruck. 66 Likewise Huatya Curi won at roofing the house. All the guanacos and vicunas brought his thatching straw. As for the other man, while his materials were being transported on llamas, Huatya Curi availed himself 126 of a bobcat's 127 help. He lay in ambush for them by a cliff, stampeded them, and destroyed them by making t h e m fall over it. By this trick 128 he won again. 67 After winning all these contests, the poor m a n spoke just as his father had advised: "Brother, we've competed so many times now, always agreeing to your rules. Now you agree to m y rules." "Very well then," the rich man agreed. Huatya Curi said, "Now, with blue tunics! And let our breechclouts be of white cotton! That's how we'll dance!" "Very well then," the rich m a n agreed. 68 The rich man, since he'd danced first from the beginning [danced], went ahead and danced first. As he was dancing, Huatya Curi charged down on h i m from outside screaming. That m a n panicked, turned into a brocket deer, 129 and ran away. And his wife followed him, saying, "I'll die w i t h my own old man!" 1 3 0 69 Then that poor man flew into a rage: "Go, idiot! You two have victimized m e so much, I'll kill you!" he said, and he chased after them. Chasing them, he caught the wife on the road to 126. mincaspa 'availed himself: more literally, he 'contracted' the bobcat's help (Gongalez Holguin 1952: 240). While his brother-in-law had access to the labor of many people and domesticated animals (llamas), Huatya Curi has access, thanks to Paria Caca's help, to creatures of the wild (skunk, fox, guanaco, bobcat, etc.). 127. oscullo 'bobcat': a cat of the genus Oncifelis, possibly Oncifelis geoffroyi or Oncifelis salinarum (Cabrera and Yepes 1940:).

66Anchi Cocha and stood her upside down on her head. "People coming from up above and those coming from down below will gape at your private parts as they pass by," he said. And right then and there she turned to stone 1 3 1 instantly. 70 This stone, just like a woman's legs w i t h thighs and a vagina, 132 stands there until today. Even now people put coca on top of it when they undertake something. [Ask w h y they put this coca.] But the m a n who'd turned into a brocket deer climbed up a mountain and disappeared.

67(Now, in ancient times, brocket deer used to eat human beings. Later on, when brocket deer were very numerous, they danced, ritually chanting, "How shall we eat people?" Then one of their little fawns made a mistake and said, "How shall people eat us?" When the brocket deer heard this they scattered. From then on brocket deer became food for humans.) 72 After Huatya Curi finished all these deeds, Paria Caca flew forth from the five eggs in the shape of five falcons. [The birth of Paria Caca.] These five falcons turned into h u m a n s and they began to roam around. And at that time, hearing all about the things people had done, about how that m a n called Tamta Namca had said, "I a m a god," and about how the m a n had himself worshiped, Paria Caca went into a rage over all these sins of theirs. Rising up as rain, he flushed t h e m all away to the ocean, together 131. Mythic figures commonly lithify (i.e., become local huacas consisting of geological features) when they complete their role in the mythic drama. 132. racayoc 'with a vagina: unlike many sexual words in the manuscript, this is a plain Andean one without Christian-style euphemism.

68Chapter 5, Section

69with all their houses and their llamas, sparing not a single one. 73 At that time, too, there was something called the Pullao, which bridged like an arch Llantapa mountain and another mountain called Vichoca. 134. Llantapa mountain today is 14 km southwest of Llacsa Tambo (if the latter is modern Llaquistambo) (IGM 1970-1971).

70That thing called the Pullao was a gigantic tree. Monkeys, toucans, and birds of all colors used to live on it. These animals, too, all of their kind, he swept to the sea. After he finished these feats, Paria Caca ascended to the place that's known today as Upper Paria Caca. In the next chapter we'll speak about his ascension. lossal bridge over the Lurin river canyon must have been the mythic portal of the middle and lower yunca lands.

Chapter 6 — How Paria Caca Was Born as Five Falcons and Then Turned into Persons, and How, His Victories Already Won, He Began to Bestow His Cult on the Yuncas of the Anchi Cocha Region

71ain, and What Happened along the Way

72Once Paria Caca had become human and was full grown, he began to search for his enemy. His enemy's name was Huallallo Caruincho, the Man Eater, the Man Drinker. Later on we'll describe him together with his battles. In fact we already did talk in the first chapter about Huallallo Caruincho's life, how he ate people, and all his deeds. [the first chapter] 75 Now we'll tell about the things h e did i n Huaro Cheri and all around there. The story goes like this. When Paria Caca was already a full-grown person, h e went to Huallallo Caruincho's dwelling, to the place called Upper Paria Caca. 76 In the valley that lies below Huaro Cheri there once was a village named Huauqui Usa, a village of the Yunca. O n that occasion the villagers 139 were celebrating an important festival. They drank, and drank hard. While they were drinking, Paria Caca arrived at the village. He sat down at the end of the banquet as he arrived, just like a friendless stranger.

73N o t a single one of the villagers offered h i m a drink while h e sat there. H e was there all day long. Finally a woman, w h o was also a native of that village, exclaimed, "Oh, no! How come n o one is offering this poor fellow a drink?" She brought over some maize beer i n a large white gourd and gave it t o h i m . 78 "Sister," Paria Caca said t o that woman, "it's a lucky thing for you that you offered m e this beer. Five days from now, you'll see something awful happen i n this village. So take care n o t t o be in t h e village that day. Back off far away. Otherwise I might kill both you and your children by mistake. These people have made m e d a m n mad!" And h e added, "As for these people, don't let t h e m hear even a single word about it. If you let t h e m hear anything, I might kill you, too." 79 Five days later the woman, together w i t h her children and her brothers, did go away from that village. But the people of the village went right o n drinking without a care. T h e n Paria Caca climbed the m o u n t a i n that overlooks Huaro Cheri. (That m o u n t a i n is called Matao Coto now. Farther down there's another m o u n t a i n called Puypu Huana, the one w e descend on our way from here to Huaro Cheri. These are the names of those mountains.) 1 4 0 80 O n the m o u n t a i n Paria Caca started a torrential rainstorm.

74Chapter 6, Sections 81-86

75Rising up as yellow hail and red hail/ 4 1 he washed all those people away to the ocean and didn't spare a single one. At that moment, the waters gushed down in a mudslide 142 and shaped the high slopes and the valleys of Huaro Cheri. When Paria Caca finished all these things, he didn't explain them to the rest of the aboriginal Yunca people, who'd [quite clearly] seen it all happen without knowing or understanding what it meant, but instead headed to the fields of the Cupara, which are across the river. ' [Paria Caca crossed over to the village of the Cupara.] 81 The native people of Cupara village survived just by channeling some water from a spring to their fields, and they were suffering greatly for lack of water at that time. (This spring flowed from a tall mountain that rises above San Lorenzo village. This mountain is called Suna Caca today.) At that time, they say, it was just a big lake. They used to irrigate their fields by channeling the water downhill to fill some small reservoirs. 82 In those days there was a native woman of that village named Chuqui Suso, a really beautiful woman. This woman was weeping while she irrigated her maize plants because they were drying out so badly, and because her water supply was so very scarce. When Paria Caca saw this, he obstructed the mouth of her little pond 145 with his cloak.

76The woman started to cry even more bitterly when she saw him do that. "Sister, why are you crying so hard?" Paria Caca asked her. "Sir, this little maize field of mine is drying up on me for lack of water!" she replied. "Don't worry about it," Paria Caca said to her. "I'll make water flow from this pond of yours, plenty of water. But first, let me sleep with you." 84 "Get the water flowing first," she retorted. "When my field is watered, then by all means let's sleep together." "Fine!" said Paria Caca, and released an ample amount of water. Overjoyed, the woman thoroughly watered all her fields. After she finished irrigating, Paria Caca said, "Let's sleep together." "Not right now," she replied. "Let's sleep together tomorrow or the day after." Paria Caca, who desired the woman ardently, thought, "I wish I could sleep with her right now!" and promised her all kinds of things. "I'll fix this field of yours up with a water source direct from the river,"146 he said. 85 "Do that first, and then we'll sleep together," the woman replied. "All right," Paria Caca said. He widened an irrigation canal that had belonged to the Yunca people, a little ditch that descended long ago from the ravine called Coco Challa to the small hill overlooking San Lorenzo. He extended this canal down as far as the fields of Lower Cupara. 86 Pumas, foxes, snakes, and all kinds of birds cleaned and fixed that canal. Pumas, jaguars, and all kinds of animals 148 vied with each other to improve it, saying, "Who'll be the leader when we lay out the watercourse?" 149 which water passed from the reservoir to the irrigation canal. 146. mayomanta yacuyuctam 'with a water source direct from theriver'(i.e., not reliant on the spring or the reservoir system).

77Chapter 6, Sections 87-90 "Me first! Me first!" exclaimed this one and that one. The fox won, saying, "I'm the chief, the curaca, so I'll lead the way first." And so he, the fox, went on ahead. 87 While the fox was leading the way, [leading the way,] after he'd laid the watercourse out halfway up the mountain over San Lorenzo, a tinamou suddenly darted up, whistling "Pise pise!" Startled, the fox yelped "Huac!" and fell down the slope. Then those animals got indignant and had the snake direct the way. If the fox hadn't fallen, that canal of theirs would've run at a higher level. But now it runs somewhat lower. The spot from which the fox fell is clearly visible to this day. In fact the water flows down the course the fox's fall opened. overlaps the preceding reportive sentence in content, one suspects an imperfect joining of two sources. 150. curaca means "the lord or ruler (senor) of the community (pueblo)" (Gongalez Holguin [1608J1952: 57); it derives from a root denoting priority in rank (especially birth order), not sovereignty. Under Spanish colonial influence, curaca roles were modified toward Spanish ideas of nobility and estate-based privilege. 151. yutu 'tinamou': yutu is the bird Peruvians call perdiz 'partridge' in Spanish. Its shape and behavior resemble those of a partridge, but it is in fact a tinamou. Three species inhabit Lima Province. Of these, the likeliest (because it inhabits the middle altitudes that are the scene of this myth) is: "Andean Tinamou, Nothoprocta pentlandii oustaleti [Perdiz serrana). A tinamou the size of a small chicken; upper parts brownish,finelymarked with cinnamon and black, with longitudinal buffy white streaks; underparts buffy, breast gray with small light spots. Lives in the steppes of the Andean slopes up to an altitude of 3500 m., also on the coastal hills. A terrestrial bird, itflusheswith noisy wingbeats . . . " (Koepcke 1970: 16).

78When in fact he'd finished all this, Paria Caca said to Chuqui Suso, "Let's sleep together!" "Let's climb to a high ledge. There we'll sleep together," she [enticed him] answered him. (Today, this ledge is called Yana Caca.) There the two of them did sleep together. Once she'd slept with him, that woman said, "Let's just the two of us go off someplace." "Let's go!" he replied and led her to the mouth of the canal called Coco Challa. 89 When they got there the woman named Chuqui Suso said, "Right in this canal of mine, that's where I'll stay!" And she froze stock still, and turned to stone. Paria Caca left her there and went on climbing upward. We'll tell about that next. 90 Someone congealed into stone does in fact stand today at the mouth of the canal named Coco Challa. It's the woman called Chuqui Suso. [Cuni Raya's dwelling is near Chuqui Suso.] Cuni Raya, also frozen to stone, dwells today above this place in a different canal, at the spot that was named Vincompa at that time. It was there that Cuni Raya came to his end. But we'll tell about the various things he did in some later chapters. plaining a conspicuous quirk of Quinti village's water system: why does a certain canal deviate downward from a higher and seemingly optimal course?

Chapter 7 — How Those Cupara People Revere the One Called Chuqui Suso to This Day

79All the Cupara people, as we know, make up a single ayllu called Cupara. These people now live in San Lorenzo, where they remain forcibly relocated right up to now. There is within this ayllu a patrilineage 159 that bears the name Chauincho. Chuqui Suso was [a woman 160 of] a member of the Chauincho ayllu. In the old days, in the month of May when the canal had to be cleaned (as is done today, too), all these people went to the woman Chuqui Suso's dwelling; they went with their maize beer, ticti,

80157. 'As we know' supplied to indicate witness validation, which continues to predominate, with three interruptions, throughout the chapter. Because this chapter consists primarily of what appears to be a witness testimony by the editor/redactor, the three -si reportive passages are signaled in translation. 158. reduzisca 'forcibly relocated' (i.e., in San Lorenzo de Quinti). The Cupara are one of the ayllus that colonial authorities had relocated (probably in the 1580s) in Spanish-style parishes [reducciones). Among places mentioned in the manuscript, San Pedro Mama, San Francisco de Chaclla, San Damian de Checa, San Francisco de Sigicaya, and Santa Maria Jesus de Huarochiri were also Toledan reducciones rather than prehispanic Uactas (Spalding 1984: flyleaf).

81guinea pigs, and llamas to worship that demon woman. 164 92 In worshiping her, they built a quishuar enclosure and stayed inside it for five days without ever letting people walk outside. It's said that 166 when they finished that, and accomplished everything else including their canalcleaning, the people came home dancing and sing-

82163. The guinea pig, Cavia porcellus (also called Cavia cobayo), is native to the Andes and is raised in most rural Andean kitchens for festive or sacrificial food. 164. supay huaimicta 'demon woman': clergymen consistently used supay to translate the Christian concept 'demon', and in the manuscript supay sometimes seems to be used in this sense. But the word may retain a nuance of its older Andean sense, which is the shade or light, volatile part of a living being (Duviols 1978). 165. quishuar: a small tree whose wood was prominently used in ritual context. "Buddleia sp. Quishuar and its variants The plants of this genus are shrubs or occasionally herbs, with opposite lanceolate leaves and four-lobed white, violet to purple flowers borne in heads, panicles, or spikes . . . grown in the temperate regions as ornamentals and for their wood, which is used in toolmaking and cabinet work... the wood of Buddleia incana had symbolic meaning and was used ceremonially by the Incas... a pre-Columbian temple at Cuzco [was] known as Quishuar-Cancha, in which was kept a gold idol the size of a ten-year-old boy,... idols burned at the festivals of R'aimi [sic] were also made of the wood of Buddleia longifolia. A number of small branches . . . were found in a grave of the Classic Maranga Period at Vista Alegre . . . " (Towle 1961: 75-76).

83Chapter 7, Sections 93-95 ing. They'd lead one woman along in their midst, reverencing her as they did the huaca and saying, "This is Chuqui Suso!" 93 As this woman arrived at their village, we'd see 168 some people awaiting her, laying out maize beer and other things and greeting her: "This is Chuqui Suso!" On that occasion they say 169 people celebrated a major festival, dancing and drinking all night long. In fact that's why, when the late lord Don Sebastian 171 was still alive, during Corpus Christi and the other major Christian holy days, a woman used to proclaim, "I am Chuqui Suso!" and give maize beer from a large gold or silver jar with a large gourd to everyone in rank order, saying, "This is our mother's beer!" Then she would also hand out toasted maize from a large hollow gourd.

84When they'd finished cleaning the canal, they

85167. 'The huaca' supplied. Original has payta yna 'as her'.

86reportedly used to invite a tremendous lot of people and give them maize, beans, and other things. Since they always used to give things away like that, people from Huaro Cheri and from all the other communities used to go there. "They've cleaned Chuqui Suso's canal. Come on, let's go have a look!" they'd say. 95 In fact 174 today people who are in the know 175 about these practices still do the same thing and perform the same rites when they clean the canals. Even now, no matter how people behave, neither the alcalde nor anybody else would ever try to stop them by asking, "Why do you do these things?" On the contrary, they dance and drink right along with them until they get drunk. And as for the Catholic priest, they fool him, saying, "Padre, I'm back from cleaning the canal, so I'm going to dance, I'm going to drink." As far as that goes, all the people do the same thing. True, some don't do it anymore because they have a good padre. But others go on living like this in secret up to the present.

Chapter 8 — How Paria Caca Ascended. How One Man Came Back with His Child by Following Paria Caca's Commands, and, Finally, How He Struggled with Huallallo Caruincho

87How Paria Caca Ascended How One Man Came Back with His Child by Following Paria Caca's Commands, and, Finally, How He Struggled with Huallallo Caruincho

88We've already told about Huallallo Caruincho's life. But we didn't speak about his dwelling place, the place he made his shrine and community. In ancient times, they say, Huallallo Caruincho dwelled in the area of Upper Paha Caca. We don't know for certain that dwelling's original name. We do know that it's called Mullo Cocha lake today because, when Paria Caca defeated Huallallo, who was a burning fire, he turned the place into a lake to extinguish him. 97 It was on the location of Mullo Cocha lake that they say Huallallo's dwelling place stood. At that time the whole region was completely Yunca. When he lived there huge snakes, toucans, and all sorts of animals filled the land.

89In fact things were just as we described in the first chapter, [ist chapter] when we told how he ate people. 98 They say that when Paria Caca set out to defeat Huallallo Caruincho, the five persons who composed him whirled hunting bolas at Ocsa Pata. [Ocsa Pata is next to Paria Caca.] While they swung their bolas, that region got intensely cold, and hail fell upon the ground where he played.

90Chapter 8, Sections 99-101 99 At that moment a man 189 came along weeping [Tell the part about the snake.] and carrying one of his children. He was also bringing his thorny oyster shell, coca, and balls of ticti, meaning to give them to Huallallo in a drink offering. "Son, where are you going crying like that?" one of the Paria Cacas asked him. [Find out the names of these 5 brothers. The names of these five brothers are Paria Caca Churapa Puncho Paria Carco We don't know the name of one of these five.]192 "Father," he replied, "I'm taking this dear little kid of mine as food to serve Huallallo." "Son," replied the Paria Caca, "don't take your little one there. Carry him back to your village. Give me that thorny oyster shell of yours, your coca, and your ticti, and then take your kid right back. 100 "In five days you must come back here to see me do combat with Huallallo Caruincho," Paria Caca said. "If I overwhelm him with floods of water, you must call out to me, 'Our father's beating him!' But if he overpowers me with a blaze of fire, you must call out to me, 189. Here there is an imperfectly legible Quechua marginal note that Taylor (1987b: 146) renders 'This man was Quinti'. If correct, the interpretation is important because it shows that the Quinti, a group associated with the lineages of Paria Caca, were alleged to have ancestors who worshiped a Yunca deity. 190. hue churinta 'one of his children': see chapter 1 (sec. i), about how Huallallo ate one of every two babies born. The weeping man was going to make his sacrifice. 191. mullo, the shell of the thorny oyster, Spondylus princeps, or powders and beads made from it, was among the commonest offerings to Andean deities and a major cargo in prehispanic deepwater seafaring (see Marcos 1980; Murra 1975b; Paulsen 1974).

91'The fighting's over!'" The man got scared when Paria Caca said this, and said, "Father, won't that Huallallo Caruincho be enraged at me?" 101 "Let him get angry! He won't be able to do a thing to you. And what's more I will bring people into being, males under the care of Ami and Llata,

92[Sons Curaca or Ancacha the i8t Chauca the 2d Llunco the 3d Sullca the 4th Llata the 5th Ami the 6th Daughters Paltacha or Cochucha the i9t Cobapacha the 2d Ampuche the 3d Sullcacha the 4th Ecancha the 5th Anacha Anasi the 6th] and females under that of Anasi; one as the male and one as the female, that's how I will have them live,"194 replied Paria Caca. And while he was speak. Ami and Llata: these poorly understood persons reappear in chapter n (sec. 157). The phrasing amiyoc . . . Uatayoc... anasiyoc 'possessors of Ami... possessors of Llata... possessors of Anasi' suggests that these persons are prototypes of a group that held Ami, Llata, and Anasi as their huacas and protectors. While this detail has not been resolved, the gist can be partly clarified. This foretelling allusion, addressed to a prototypical man of the group whose origin chapter 11 relates, seems to mean, 'You are afraid now because you are powerless, but I later will supply a kind of people to be subordinate to you. The man will have Ami and llata as his huacas and the woman will have Anasi. The prophecy comes true in chapter 11, where the lastborn persona of Paria Caca relieves the equally lastborn Checa of their powerlessness by forcing some of the Yunca aborigines to subordinate themselves as the "little Amis and Llatas" of the Checa. Ami means sick from overeating; llata, 'naked' (Gon$alez Holguin 1952: 24, 212). Anasi may relate to anas 'skunk'. If they are Quechua, which is uncertain, the names seem to suggest lowly attributes of babies: nakedness, nausea, smelliness. Babyhood may symbolize junior genealogical rank. 194. hucta cari hucta huarmicta ynam camasac 'one

93Chapter 8, Sections 102-106

94ing, his breath came out of his mouth like bluish smoke. [It was a clear blue.] When the man saw this, he got scared and handed over everything he'd brought. The five men ate the thorny oyster shell, making it crunch with a "Cap cap" sound, and all die other offerings. Then the man went back, carrying his child. 102 Five days later, he did return just as Paria Caca had told h i m to, thinking, "I'll go and witness it!" [Paria Caca's victory] And five days after his prophecy, Paria Caca did begin fighting Huallallo Caruincho. The story is like this. Paria Caca, since h e was five persons, began to rain down from five directions. That rain was yellow and red rain. Then, flashing as lightning, he blazed out from five directions. 103 From early in the morning to the setting of the sun, 195 Huallallo Caruincho flamed up in the form of a giant fire reaching almost to the heavens, never letting himself be extinguished. And 196 the waters, the rains of Paria Caca, rushed down toward Ura Cocha, the lower lake. 197 Since it wouldn't have fit in, 198 one of Paria Caca's five selves, the one called Llacsa Churapa, knocked down a mountain and dammed the waters from below. 104 Once he impounded these waters they formed a lake. as the male and one as the female, that's how I will have them live': may mean that the Ami/Llata and Anasi groups, respectively, have male and female identity with regard to each other. 195. ha hora pachacama 'to the setting of the sun': an alternative translation would be 'to lower Pacha Camac'. Both possibilities are problematic, but 'Pacha Camac' more so since it is normally spelled with final c in the manuscript.

95(Nowadays this lake is called Mullo Cocha.) 199 As the waters filled the lake they almost submerged that burning fire. And Paria Caca kept flashing lightning bolts at him, never letting h i m rest. Finally Huallallo Caruincho fled toward the low country, the Antis. 200 105 Another of Paria Caca's offspring [Find out if these are brothers since it's said that they came out of the eggs, or if they're the Paria Caca's children.—They were brothers.] chased after him. He stays at the pass down to the lowlands, the Antis, until today, "Lest Huallallo Caruincho return," as he says. His name was [Sullca Yllapa] Paria Carco. 201 106 During Paria Caca's victory, a certain woman named Mana Namca 2 0 2 appeared, a demon who'd accompanied Huallallo Caruincho. 203 This woman lived below Mama, 204 somewhere down there. It was to conquer her that Paria Caca came to her. Mana Namca also burned in the form of a fire.

96Chapter 8, Making an entry down through Tumna, Paria Caca attacked her. She shot 206 from below and hit the foot of one of Paria Caca's offspring, the one named Chuqui Huampo. 207 [Find out what condition this one is in.] Nonetheless, it was Paria Caca who won and expelled her into the ocean. 107 After he defeated them, he went back to his child Chuqui Huampo, who sat there lame with a broken foot. "I can't go back. I l l keep watch over that woman Mana Namca from right here, just in case she comes back/' Chuqui Huampo said to him. His father said, "Very well then/' and made provisions to supply him with all his food. 108 He gave his command: "All the inhabitants of these two valleys must give coca to you first, before any of them may chew it. Only after you have chewed it shall the people chew coca from their 205. Modern Tumna is 15 km west-northwest of San Damian de Checa at 2, m above sea level, a long way downvalley from Mullo Cocha. It occupies the heights over the Rimac's left bank. 206. chucamurcan 'she shot': the verb more literally means 'she hurled' and is elsewhere used in connection with lance-throwing. Perhaps the idea here is that she hurled fire (Taylor 1987b: 157), but the injury she inflicted is a broken [paquisca] rather than burned foot, so some more solid weapon seems indicated. To avoid the problem we choose a less specific verb.

97harvest. Also, the people are to slaughter a llama in your honor, one that is still childless, one that has never given birth. And you shall always eat its eartips 209 and other such things first, before the rest may be eaten." [This place where [Sullca Yllapa] Chuqui Huampo is is below Tumna between Sisi Caya and Sucya. I have to see it and find out what it's called.] 210 109 People respected these sacred edicts, and in accordance with them all the coca producers from Saci Caya, Chontay, Chichima, Mama, Huayo Calla, and Sucya Cancha would bring coca to Chuqui Huampo first before all others. They carry on the custom secretly to this day. as signs of ownership (Aranguren Paz 1975: 117). Perhaps a fragment of ear would then be the sacrifice mentioned.

Chapter 9 — How Paria Caca, Having Accomplished All This, Began to Ordain His Own Cult

98Now indeed we've finished telling all these victories of his. But we haven't spoken about how Huallallo Caruincho later lived under Paria Caca's sentence. After Paria Caca's victory, and after Huallallo had fled to the lowlands, the Antis, [Find out how this Caruincho exists in the Andes now.] Paria Caca passed sentence on Huallallo: "Because he fed on people, let him now eat dogs; and let the Huanca people worship him." 111 When the Huanca worshiped him, they'd propitiate him with dogs. And since he, their god, fed on dogs, they also ate them. As a matter of fact, we speak of them as "dogeating Huanca" to this day. 112 Just as we indicated in the first chapter and in 215. End of an introductory passage with witness validation.

99subsequent ones, where we said that all those villages were full of Yunca, [Chapter i] all the inhabitants of Huaro Cheri Province and of the provinces of Chaclla and Mama and of all the other villages were once full of Yunca. Paria Caca, as we know, drove these Yunca and all such Yunca groups down to the lowlands. "It will be my children who'll live in this region," he ordained. 113 All those who took part in conquering these groups are individually called Paria Caca's children. [Paria Caca's children] "Each one of them is his child," people say. Others deny it. In accord with their belief these say, "They were born from the seed of a wild plant."222 The victors' names are these, starting from the oldest one:

100219. Modern San Antonio de Chaclla is 63 km northwest of Huarochiri (IGM 1970-1971). Spalding's map (1984: endpaper) shows San Francisco de Chaclla, a resettlement village of the 1580s, at a similar location. Taylor (1987b: 39) equates Chaclla with modem Santa Eulalia, adjacent to Mama.

101Chapter 9, Sections 114-117 Choc Payco, Chancha Runa, Huari Runa, Utco Chuco, and Tutay Quiri with his brother Sasin Mari. All these conquered the Yunca peoples. 114 According to them, one other child of Paria Caca likewise emerged from the earth. His name was Pacha Chuyru. We forgot this one's conquests in all the preceding chapters. We'll set forth these matters in a later part. [Further on we shall set forth Pacha Chuyru's victory.] These whom we have mentioned defeated and drove out all the Yunca peoples. 115 These Yunca groups, all the Yunca, once they forgot their former god, began to worship Paria Caca. The tradition about the Yunca is like this. In this community of Checa lived the ones called Colli, building their settlements 226 all over the communal territory. To relate all the Yunca settlements in the whole area would be very laborious. So in what follows we shall choose only a few of them for our consideration, compiling all their customs, because all the Yunca shared one single way of life. 116 Paria Caca then established his dwelling on the heights, on the same territory where he had conquered, and began to lay down the rules for his worship.

102His law was one and the same law in all the villages. The law we speak of was this: "We are all of one birth."228 [This is taken to mean of one family] 117 They say he gave a command to one particular person in each village: "Once every year you are to hold a paschal celebration reenacting my life/' He said, "As for their titles, the title of these people will be huacasa or huacsa. "The huacsa will dance three times each year, bringing coca in enormous leather bags."

103well as 'law' (hunanchasca) in the following sentences is derived from a verb that Gonzalez Holguin ( 1952: 355) glosses 'to make signals, to understand, to consider, to design or plan out'. 228. hue yuric canchic 'We are all of one birth' (i.e., sibling group). The word yuric, which we take to mean 'birth group' does not mean the same as yumay 'patrilineage', or ayllu 'localized kindred'. Gonzalez Holguin ( 1952: 372) gives "yurini to be born, to come into being, for something to come forth with something or someone as its author . . . yurini... for a man or animal to be bom." Yuric is an agentive form. See the section on yuriylyumay in the introduction. The point of Paria Caca's great judgment, the comerstone of the ideological order expounded in subsequent chapters, is that: (1) The dominant patrilineages of the region will be the descent groups self-identified as proteges of Paria Caca's selves and children. (2) Yunca descent groups (of what sort remains unclear), once liberated from Huallallo, will be incorporated in the role of wives and wife-givers, and their major huacas as 'sisters' or 'wives' of male huacas from the Paria Caca kindred. They will be considered globally the progeny of Paria Caca's "sister" Chaupi Namca. (3) Insofar as all the people of the region are "bom" of unions between descendants of a brother and a sister, all are siblings at the apical level of kinship and religious reckoning. Taylor and Urioste read the passage differently. Taylor in an early working took it to mean that "each of our communities is composed of a certain number of families" (1980: yy). He later translated it as "we all belong to different lineages" (1987b: 167). Urioste (1983: 63) reads it as alluding to a single lineage. Arguedas and Duviols (1966: 65) g^ve "all of us, who are as one single son."

104Chapter 9, Sections 118-122

105To first become a huacsa, people in fact perform a certain ritual. It's like this: a man of the Caca Sica ayllu functions as officiant for these ceremonies. From early times these officiants were only one or two people, and, as for their title, it was yanca. [The master is called yanca.] The same title is used in all the villages. This man observes the course of the sun [That is, the shadow that the wall casts in the sun.] from a wall constructed with perfect alignment. When the rays of the sun touch this calibrated wall, he [proclaimed] to the people, "Now we must go"; or if they don't, he'd say, "Tomorrow is the time." 232 119 Following this command, people go to Paria Caca in order to worship. In the old times they used to go to Paria Caca mountain itself. But now they go from Checa to a mountain called Ynca Caya [The snowcap of Paria Caca is visible from this mountain.] to worship from there. (This mountain rises over the ruined buildings of Purum Huasi and abuts on another mountain called Huallquiri. It's on this mountain that all sorts of people, men and women alike, go to worship.) 120 People run a race on their way to this mountain, in accordance with the yancafs instructions, driving their llama bucks. T h e strongest ones even shoulder small llamas. 234 They scramble upward, each thinking, "I mean to get to the summit first!"

106[Which is where can be seen from.] 121 The first llama to arrive at the mountain top was much loved by Paria Caca. In the old days Paria Caca himself used to give a name to this llama buck, proclaiming, "Let its name be thus!" [different names each time, of one sort or another, such as Yauri or Yllaca] And as for the first little llama to arrive, the yanca would display it and praise it before all eyes, announcing, "The bearer of this llama is very fortunate. Paria Caca loves him." 122 This time of worship, as we know, 235 is called the Auquisna. [Auquisna 'for our father' or 'creator'] 236 Similarly t h e worship of Chaupi Namca is called the Chaycasna. [Chaycasna 'for our mother'] 2 3 7 But we'll explain t h e Chaycasna later. Nowadays t h e Auquisna season [falls] comes in t h e m o n t h of June or close to it. It either occurs close to [Corpus Christi] the great pasch 238 or actually coincides with it. All the huacsas, who might be ten or even twenty, dance on this occasion. This dance is not something their ancestors appropriated. 235. 'As we know' supplied to indicate witness validation, which continues through the end of section 122.

107Chapter 9, Sections 123-129 : [Find out about this sort of song and write it down for m e on paper in the Quechua language, from what they say.] 123 The huacsas reportedly 240 perform this dance with absolutely no interruption. If someone who stops dancing ever happens to die, people comment about him, "He died because of the fault he committed." For that reason, they make little children or any other kind of people carry on the dance. 241 T h e people from Surco especially prefer to call on the Huayllas to dance in their stead. 124 If a Huayllas m a n is married to a native Surco village woman and performs these rituals, the members of that community don't take away his fields or anything else of his, even though he's an outsider. O n the contrary, they respect h i m and help him. What's more, when Huayllas people w h o live in Surco come to Sucya Cancha to trade coca, regardless of their standing they bargain, saying, "Give m e a little extra, ma'am,- I'm a huacsa."242 125 Nowadays, as we know, 243 people perform this pasch by making it coincide with any of the major Christian paschal rites, and the people from Surco still excel over all the other communities. On account of this dance, the Catholic priests in their villages exact collections 244 of chickens, maize, and all sorts of other things. The people hand these things over more than cheerfully. by invading ancestors from aborigines. Taylor follows another line, reading (1980: 79) yayancuna as "their encomenderos" (i.e., colonial Spanish tribute lords). The same translator gives "without their owners' being aware" in a later working (1987b: 175). Arguedas (Arguedas and Duviols 1966: 65) has "without vigilance by the [Catholic] priests."

108_ The huacsas dance likewise during Chaupi Namca's paschal festival. This paschal festival sometimes comes close to Corpus Christi, and sometimes actually coincides with it. In another chapter [We'll set forth Chaupi Namca's life in a different chapter later on.] we'll record Chaupi Namca's life, where she lived, and how people worshiped her. But now let's return to Paria Caca's story and to all the things people did during the season of his paschal festival.

109The story that explains these events is like this. On the eve of the day when they were to arrive at Paria Caca for worship, people whose kin, whether m e n or women, had died in the course of that year would wail all night long, 246 saying, "Tomorrow we'll go and see our dead by Paria Caca's side!"

110They said regarding their deceased of the year, "Tomorrow is the day w h e n we'll deliver t h e m there." 2 4 8 They offered the dead food and even fed t h e m that night, and spread out the ingredients for their rituals. 249 They said, "Now I deliver them to Paria Caca forever. They will never come back any more!" And they worshiped w i t h the sacrifice of a small llama, or, if they had no llamas, they'd bring coca in large skin bags.

111As we know, 250 they'd examine this llama's in-

112245. The teller (or editor?) is at pains to remind the reader that the Chaupi Namca cult (chap. 10) and Paria Caca cult are inherently complementary, separated only for expository reasons.

113Chapter 9, Sections 130-136

114nards. If the signs were favorable, the yanca would prophesy, "Everything is well." If not, he'd say, "It's bad. You've incurred a fault. Your dead relative has angered Paria Caca. Ask forgiveness for this transgression, lest that fault be charged to you as well." 130 After completing these rituals, t h e yancas carried off t h e heads and loins of those llamas for themselves, no matter how many thousands there might be, declaring, "This is our fee!" 131 The huacsas, who'd dance on three occasions in any given year, would finish their term on that day. In order to enter a new cycle, when the old dance round was about to come to an end, all the people came to the center in Llacsa Tambo, and the Concha were in the plaza, too, carrying a macaw-wing display or the sort of thing known as puypu.2SA They'd lay these items in the center, on the rock called Llacsa Tambo. After they deposited these things, they stayed there all night long, in the place where a cross now stands, wondering, "Will I be well this year?" 132 T h e next day they went to all the villages, including Macacho hill, Chaucalla, and Quimquilla, and remained there until five days were up. At t h e end of t h e fifth day, all the huacsas who'd collected coca in bags would dance. At daybreak on t h e same day, in Llacsa Tambo, they used to worship t h e demon with their llamas or other possessions.

115Those w h o are privy to these customs do the same in all t h e villages. Nowadays, it's true, some have forgotten these practices. But since it's just a few years 255 since they've had Doctor Francisco de Avila, a good counselor and teacher, it may be that in their hearts they don't really believe. If they had another priest they might return to t h e old ways. 134 Some people, although they've become Christians, have done so only out of fear. "I'm afraid t h e priest or somebody else might find out how bad I've been," they think. 256 Although they say t h e Rosary, they still carry some pretty ilia amulet 2 5 7 everywhere,- although they themselves might n o t worship these native divinities, they contract some old people to worship in their stead. Lots of people live this way. [n.b.j 135 As we said earlier, t h e Concha, too, worship during Paria Caca's season from that other mountain called Huaycho. Their huacsas do just t h e same as the Checa's own do, that is, they dance. Likewise, t h e Suni Cancha also worship in t h e same manner during Paria Caca's season from that mountain called [n.b.] . 258

116T h e residents of Santa Ana, 259 those w h o live in

117255. cay pisi huatallarac 'just a few years': an ambiguity in this phrase adds to the difficulty of dating the manuscript. If read 'scarcely one year' it would support the 1598 date that Arguedas and Duviols favored (1966: 235). But it could just as well mean 'these few years', allowing a later date and with it the chronologies c. 1608 that Urioste and Taylor both favor (Acosta 1987b: 596; Taylor 1987b: 15-16; see the section on the possible genesis of the text in the introduction). 256. nispas: the common verb niy or niy can mean either 'say' or 'think, intend'.

118Chapter 9, Sections 137-140 San Juan, and all the ones called Chauca Ricma, during Paria Caca's season, reportedly worship from the mountain called Acu Sica, the one we descend on our way to the Apar Huayqui River. In fact 263 they'd never let anything stop them from performing these rituals. Some people make this festival coincide with the great pasch, Easter; others set it close to Pentecost [and Corpus]. When it comes to celebrating it, the people in this village would be delighted if the priest were absent from town or went to Limac. This is a completely true account. 137 Regarding all these places on mountains for worship of Paria Caca, it was only later on, when the Spaniards had emerged and came to look into it, that they were established. 138 But, in the old times, they say 266 all these people used to go to Paria Caca mountain itself. All the Yunca people 267 from Colli, Carhuayllo, Ruri Cancho, 260. San Juan de Lahuaytambo, seat of the 'Thousand' of Chaucarima (Taylor 1987b: 187). See note 457.

119Latim, Huancho Huaylla, Pariacha, Yanac, Chichima, Mama, and all the other Yunca from that river valley; Also the Saci Caya, who, together with the Pacha Camac come from another river valley, and the Caringa and Chilca, 278 and those people who live along the river that flows down from Huaro Cheri, namely, the Caranco 280 and other Yunca groups who inhabit that river region, used to arrive at Mount Paria Caca itself, coming with their ticti, their coca, and other ritual gear. 139 When those who'd come to worship returned from Paria Caca, people in their villages, aware of their impending arrival, used to await them in a gathering to ask, "How is our father Paria Caca?" "Is he still well?" "Isn't he angry?" Then they'd dance full of happiness until the end of the fifth day, or however many days was their custom. 140 Regarding this worship, it may be that the Yunca don't practice it anymore, or that not all the Yunca do. But they do perform it away from their own places. When they don't do it people speculate, saying, 270. Ate, today an outlying neighborhood of Lima.